The Ethnification of the Ethiopian Media

NLA University College (Skjerdal); Addis Ababa University (Moges)
"Normally we would argue that journalism is the answer. In the case of Ethiopia, media is also becoming part of the problem. The state of the media in the country is deeply disconcerting." - Søren Østergaard Sørensen, International Programme Manager, Fojo Media Institute and International Media Support (IMS)
This report examines how media outlets in Ethiopia are contributing to ethnic polarisation in the country. Commissioned by Fojo Media Institute and International Media Support (IMS), the study combines in-depth interviews with key media professionals with an analysis of the media coverage of eight major incidents in 2019. Based on the findings, the authors argue that ethnic and political agendas are at risk of being at odds with media professionalism and are causing tensions between ethnic groups, instead of acting as a unifying force.
The study was initiated because, even though the conditions for Ethiopian media have improved under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the significant media reforms he introduced, the media landscape has become very polarised, with parts of the media being blamed for playing a pivotal role in the turbulence that has erupted in various parts of the country since 2019. The suspicion of many people is that the media are being exploited to propagate an ethnic agenda. The research outlined in this report was conducted in order to delve deeper into the issue and to examine how the polarisation is being manifested in the media.
The report begins with a discussion on media and ethnicity in Ethiopia from a historical perceptive. Based on a literature review and new research findings, it shows how some of the current tendencies have deeper roots in the history of the media in the country.
The main part of the report is divided into two sections (each written by a different author): an analysis of the media environment and an analysis of media content. The analysis of the media environment in the first part is based on observations plus interviews with persons in key positions in all major parts of the media in Ethiopia. Approximately 25 in-depth interviews were conducted in February and March 2020 (in Ethiopia), with follow-up interviews until November 2020 (online). The second part of the research, which consists of an analysis of selected media stories published between 2018 and 2020, focuses on how ethnicity is used in media texts to promote or protect a certain ethnic group, political ideology, or political narrative. The methodology for this part is framing analysis, which involves scrutinising different media channels' presentation of the same case. Altogether 133 stories from eight cases were studied, each of which illustrates a particular perspective on ethnicity in the media debate.
Based on the research, overall, the authors have found evidence for the conclusion that ethnic belonging and identity politics are gaining significance as a central frame of reference in the current Ethiopian media discourse. "We argue that the tendencies we're observing in the media can be described as an intensified ethnification process. By this we mean that ethnic belonging and identity politics are gaining significance as central frames of reference in the current Ethiopian media discourse. Ethnicity is being employed as a key to interpret media messages, and it outlines a frame for classifying media channels and personalities. We identify two major frames, annihilation and othering, which are indicative of the tendency of journalists to align with their ethnic background."
The study finds that media practitioners are deeply concerned about the developments. Research data, for example, point towards a more pluralistic media society in Ethiopia (albeit segmented pluralism) since the introduction of media reforms in 2018, but also significantly more polarisation. The polarisation is fuelled by alignments of ethno-nationalistic media of different origin and ownership. Whereas before, dividing lines were in political terms, often following a private vs. state media axis, the new polarisation is mainly informed by ethnic interests. The previous stronghold of the federal state media is showing similar tendencies. The state media structure has become fragmented, resulting in the growth of regional mass media agencies, which are revealing alignments with certain ethnic groups.
The research also shows that many - if not most - journalists and editors view hate speech as growing and a major problem for the Ethiopian media. Journalists are also beginning to form alliances along regional and ethnic lines. This trend is illustrated by the establishment of the Amhara Journalist Association, Oromia Journalist Association, and Tigray Journalist Association, to name a few examples. Journalists are also found to be highly inclined to use sources that support their own ideological interest and avoid quoting sources from other ethnicities that could balance the story. An analysis of stories published in selected media also shows that the Ethiopian media tend to place ethnicity at the centre of their reporting. The overall investigation of such reporting either intentionally or unintentionally favours their own ethnic group and undermine the other, who is often perceived as an enemy.
As one of the authors writes in his conclusion, "it should not come as a surprise if Ethiopia slides back on the next press freedom index, to be publicized in April 2021." For this not to happen, the author suggests that local media need to take action to ensure that their media is free of hostility and divisionism. "Central to this development is professional enhancement and a reliable self-accountability system."
IMS website on January 20 2021; and emails from Mulatu Alemayehu Moges and Terje Skjerdal to The Communication Initiative on January 20 2021.
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